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Prompt / Provocación 2

2° prompt:

V i o l e n c e    a s    s t a t e    p o l i c y

2 ° provocación:

L a    v i o l e n c i a    c o m o    p o l í t i c a    e s t a t a l

La violencia como política estatal / Violence as state policy

 

En este estado de cosas, ¿qué significado tiene el Estado?- o mejor dicho; el Estado nación
neoliberal?


Con el desarrollo de la ciencia política moderna un concepto ampliamente difundido de Estado consideraba a este como una organización política constituida por instituciones burocráticas estables, a través de las cuales se ejercía el monopolio del uso de la fuerza aplicada a una población en un territorio delimitado. El poder de hacer uso de la fuerza aparecía así como una posibilidad constitutiva del mismo, una herramienta a disposición para poner en práctica, un instrumento extraordinario. La violencia entendida, principalmente, en su carácter represivo.


El neoliberalismo implica una ampliación del concepto de “uso de la fuerza” por el de una violencia generalizada y una cesión por parte del Estado de este principio fundante en beneficio y protección de un tercero, el capital financiero. No los une el amor, ¿será el espanto?


La violencia como prerrogativa estatal ejercida como motor y fundamento del desarrollo y de la aplicación de políticas públicas. Corporizada esta en axioma del Estado nación neoliberal podríamos deducir que representa la paradoja misma del concepto de Estado. Implica una condición/posición autodestructiva al pretender negar lo político de la política.


La violencia como práctica institucionalizada y diagramada es una pulsión de muerte colectiva, niega la historia en cuanto proceso de construcción y de lucha. Quizás en esto radica la adhesión de amplios sectores populares a las consignas del cambio, asociándolo a la idea de movimiento -aquello incontenible, vigoroso, una fuerza mayor, vital- como reivindicativo de una condición de progreso. El cambio como reacción y devastación. La violencia como principio, medio y fin.

Jacinta Racedo

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In the current state of things, what meaning does the State –or rather, the neoliberal nation State- have?


With the development of modern political science, a widely spread conceptualisation of the State considered it as a political organisation constituted by stable, bureaucratic institutions, through which it exercised the monopolic use of force applying it to a population within a delimited territory. The power to make use of force appeared in this way as a constitutive possibility of the State, a weapon at its disposition, an extraordinary instrument.
Neoliberalism implies a widening of the concept of “the use of force” towards that of a generalised violence and a surrender on behalf of the State of this funding principle for the benefit and protection of a third party, financial capital. They are not united by love, perhaps by bewilderment? 


Violence as a state prerogative exercised as engine and basis of development and the enactment of public policy. Embodied as axiom of the neoliberal nation State, we could deduce that it represents the paradox of the concept of State. It implies a condition or position of self-destruction by pretending to deny what is political in politics.


Violence as an institutionalised and diagrammed practice is a drive for collective death, it negates history as a process of construction and of struggle. Perhaps here lies the adhesion of large popular sectors to calls for change, relating this to the idea of movement –that which is uncontainable, vigorous, a greater force, vital- as part of a condition of progress.

Jacinta Racedo

CLAUDIO BRAIER / ESPECTROS DE PODER - SPECTRES OF POWER

ALICIA NUDLER + BOB DICKINSON / APRIL 1982 - APRIL 2018

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Buenos Aires, I was in the big city
I was in Nottingham when the invasion happened
My grandma had just died
April 2 nd is my brother’s birthday
We found out about this Malvinas thing
What surprised me
Life was strange for me
He had a newspaper
You couldn’t talk you were very, very afraid
the invasion was on the front page
You heard the news on the radio all the time
They can’t get away with this
We were a great power, we were going to win
A statement predicting it would be met by force
My family was completely against the war
Popular opinion
It was crazy, it was out of the blue
A change in Britain
Many, many people supported the war
Margaret Thatcher had been unpopular up until that point
Because of nationalistic feeling
There had been rioting in most big cities
A whole mechanism of the last years of the military dictatorship to gain our support
The Troubles had been going on since 1969
They knew they were losing power
Iron lady
Galtieri was an alcoholic, there were speeches full of bullshit
Members of the security forces were colluding with paramilitaries

They sent the poor kids
More than 2000 people had died
Mandatory military service
The Falklands happened in the middle of all that
When our soldiers came back it was horrible it was so pointless
illegal killing of people by paramilitaries
Absurd war
Bomb attacks
It wasn’t something people talked about much
I don’t think wars ever are heroic
My boyfriend, his dad asked for him to be called for the military service
It just fucks you up
He was sent
Veterans committed suicide
His Dad had a heart attack
it ruined people’s lives
I think that he connected his death with me
the survivors
he didn’t want to see me again

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AMY CORCORAN / VIOLENCE AS STATE POLICY

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State-led violence is rife across the globe, from decisions made in the West to bomb and invade other countries, to the death sentence still being practised on prisoners, the burning of Rohingya villages, and the seemingly endless violence waged by Assad against his own people.

 

This behaviour - and those who seek to resist it - is of particular relevance to my research interests. Based within the International State Crime Initiative (ISCI), Queen Mary University of London, my PhD research focuses on public art interventions which criticise state policy on migration in Europe, and which look to support and further migrant led and migrant solidarity movements. When thinking about liberal democracies (which European countries claim to be), state violence is often hidden within its systems; it is covert and insidious, but often ‘lawful’. This is certainly the case in the manner in which the UK government responds to irregular migration, though its violent and unlawful nature, either through action or inaction, is often revealed as well. This strategic violence, state crime, is defined by Professor Penny Green as: ‘state organizational deviance involving the violation of human rights’. Power is found in the labelling of these actions as criminal.

 

Considerations of violence as state policy conjure up another issue close to my heart, as it is something I have written about and campaigned on for years. This relates to the treatment of protesters. Horse charges, baton rounds, tear gas, all used against those enacting their right to protest, standing up for issues of social and environmental justice that affect us all - or at least most of us. Intimidation and deterrence are systematic strategies to curb movements dissenting against state power, with violence playing a key role. There are, of course, different understandings of ‘violence’, as Žižek would have us consider. The structural violence inherent in much of our current global situation is not always understood as such, and so it is with the strategic violence concerning political dissent. Alongside more readily observable actions of ‘violence’ exist a huge raft of actions which may fall short of some definitions. These include undercover policing, kettling, domestic extremism lists, abuse of stop and search, lengthy police bail, excessive restrictions on protest and criminalisation of protesters.

 

In regards to protest, and with a focus on resistance, it is fundamental to understand state policy for what it is, to see police violence as part of a wider strategy of intimidation - not a few rotten apples but a putrid orchard. Our actions within protests - themselves often against state-led violence either at home or abroad - exist on the frontline of a larger and wider resistance against contemporary neoliberal governance.

 

One strategy (by no means the only and not always the most suitable) is the refusal to divulge one’s personal information. ‘No comment’ - a refusal to comply, a refusal to make injustice easy - is powerful. Not only does it thwart the desires of an intelligence hungry state, but it permits an understanding within individuals that the state can be challenged, itself a powerful revelation for many. Therefore, in solidarity with and respect for those individuals who stand up against their governments, and who experience state violent first-hand, I created an image in the style of the many political stickers which are left at protest sites once the crowds are gone - remnants of an eruption of citizen action, and reminders of what we are fighting for, and against.

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HUGO VIDAL / SILUETAS

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Siluetas

 

De una situaciòn.

De dos situaciones vinculadas en este caso.

Aquellas y esta silueta. Sitùan.

Aquellas, las siluetas que nos delinearon al desaparecido.

Y esta silueta, la que intenta delinear a los desaparecidos actuales,

los desocupados, los sujetos a los que se hace desaparecer hoy.

Por eso me desplazo de aquella silueta vacía,

que resultó encarnada con gestos,

con lucha, con memoria colectiva o personal,

a esta silueta construida con trozos de platos.

una silueta construida con fragmentos de platos rotos, de loza blanca.

 está realizada en  escala natural, y copia la figura de un amigo.

Entonces de ninguna manera me resulta ajena, ésta,

la silueta de quién paga los platos rotos.

Sin disimular quiebres, señalando los golpes  las reuniones.

Encarno aquellos y estos platos.

Dos instancias en una instancia mayor.

existe aquí una continuidad temporal y política evidente,

desaparición de un lugar,

desocupación de  un lugar.

El desaparecido desocupa su lugar de actividad.

El desocupado desaparece de su lugar de actividad.

Y la respuesta es la misma, dar visibilidad a lo sucedido.

Dar cuerpo. Restablecer mirada.

Pero en el marco de las similitudes hay una diferencia sustancial,

el desocupado aún está aquí. Permanece.

y con uan gran variedad de fortuna y destreza se va organizando.

Esta silueta se vincula con esos intentos. Con esa suerte.

 

 

El 26 de junio de 2005 en el Puente Pueyrredón  se multiplicó. 

Se multiplicaron.

Hugo Vidal

 

Texto publicado en el "El siluetazo" de Ana Longoni y Gustavo Bruzzone.

Adriana Hidalgo editora. Buenos Aires. 2008. Pag. 478 -481.

I

JULIAN PESCE / PROCERMORFOSIS

Esta serie se basa en la sustitución de animales por próceres y figuras de la política de Argentina en el dinero impreso que circula. Dicha mutación simboliza el cambio de valor(es) de la moneda nacional Argentina. 

En los años más recientes de nuestra historia política podemos observar una propuesta gubernamental ligada a la desideologización y el borramiento de la historia. El desinterés por parte de las autoridades por "el pasado" y la oferta de un presente edulcorado.

A su vez asoma un fuerte cinismo al respecto dado que estos animales, pertenecientes a diferentes regiones del país, se encuentran en peligro de extinción debido a la falta de protección de sus vidas por parte del Estado.

En este aparente gesto de unificación (no discutamos de política), uno puede estar a favor o en contra de los ideales de un prócer pero dificilmente pueda tomar partido por lo que represente una ballena o un guanaco. 

Cambiar personajes muertos de la historia por animales vivos, según palabras de una de las máximas autoridades de esta gestión,  aparenta ser un gesto inocente o buena onda. Sin embargo podemos observar subyacente una potente puja simbólica cargada de ideología que pretende pasar inadvertida.

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